Wednesday, September 23, 2015

Geoff House in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, Night Scenes

Kuala Lumpur, the multi-ethnic capital of Malaysia, is a cosmopolitan city, the product, evidently, of massive infusions of foreign direct investment (FDI), from both East Asia and the West. Malaysia's current masters, the leaders of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), have succeeded in selling their capital city as a safe haven for foreigners' money. Tall, futuristic buildings, including the twin, Petronas Towers, dominate the horizon of the city, and peoples of diverse ethnic backgrounds crowd its upscale shopping centers.

Perhaps the most noteworthy difference between the Philippine capital and the Malaysian capital is the relative abundance of businesspeople from Europe in the latter. Downtown Kuala Lumpur has the distinct feel of home for sizable communities of ex-patritots of countries such as England and the Netherlands. But perhaps it should come as no surprise. A colony of England until 1957 and a possession of the Netherlands previously, Malaysia today maintains its connections to its former, European masters. The legitimacy which governments from the West now bestow on UMNO leaders enables Malaysia's rulers to maintain their grip on power in a country in which their legitimacy is very much in question.



Petronas Towers, At Night, Kuala Lumpur City Center (KLCC), Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia




Diners, Restaurant, Airport, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia




Lights at Night, Courtyard, Tune Hotel, Adjacent to Airport, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia




Nighttime View, Fourth Floor, Tune Hotel, Adjacent to Airport, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia




Lights On, Courtyard at Night, Tune Hotel, Adjacent to Airport, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia




Two Hotel Workers, On Break, Night,
Outside Tune Hotel, Adjacent to Airport, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Tuesday, September 22, 2015

Geoff House in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, Observing the Politics of Race

I arrived in Kuala Lumpur, capital of Malaysia, at about 9:00 in the evening on Thursday the 17th of September. The AirAsia flight from Ninoy Aquino International Airport Terminal 3 in Manila to Kuala Lumpur International Airport 2 (KLIA 2) lasted almost four hours. Upon entering the terminal of the Malaysian capital's airport, I noticed immediately the differences in scale. In comparison to the facilities in Manila or Davao, the facilities in Kuala Lumpur were much larger. The sensation of wide, open space in KLIA 2 quickly became apparent. High ceilings amplified the sensation.

I wondered what the Malaysian capital's original and largest airport, Kuala Lumpur International Airport, must be like. It is Malaysia's main international airport and perhaps South East Asia's most important transportation hub. It is used by a large number of airlines from around the world. In contrast, KLIA 2, home of AirAsia Airlines, is used exclusively by the upstart but increasingly popular airplane company of Malaysia's Tony Fernandes. The entrepreneur of Indian ethnicity has transformed AirAsia into a highly successful budget airline and public-listed company.

From my studies of the policies and politics which have shaped the state and society in multi-ethnic Malaysia, I knew that Fernandes was a rare example of a success story for an entrepreneur of any ethnicity in Malaysia. Typically, in this country deeply divided along racial lines, the only companies which can receive capital and grow are the firms which are connected to the government. And, typically, these so-called government-linked corporations are dominated by ethnic Malays, just as the government itself is dominated by ethnic Malays. Standing in the terminal of KLIA 2, I admired the work of Fernandes, not only for the company which he had built but also for the obstacles which, as an ethnic Indian building a business in Malaysia, he had overcome along the way.

After collecting my luggage from the carousel, I proceeded to search for the exit and a taxi which would take me to Kuala Lumpur City Centre (KLCC) and my room at the Shangri-La Hotel on the main thoroughfare, called Jalan Sultan Ismail. I had read that the distance between KLIA 2 and KLCC was about 37 miles and that the journey could be as short as 40 minutes or as long as 2 1/2 hours, depending on the traffic and on the time of the day. I had read also that the price of the taxi ride would be 70 ringgit, or 16 dollars. But, as I walked through the terminal, attempting to follow signs toward an exit and a taxi, I realized that it was not clear to me how and where I had to arrange the taxi service. Finally, I was directed to a counter designated for sale of the coupons necessary for taxi service. After exchanging U.S. currency into Malaysian currency, I gave 80 ringgit, or about 18 dollars, to the woman behind the counter and received my coupon for the ride to the city's center and my hotel. I passed through the sliding doors of the airport into the night and toward the line of taxis parked at the curb.

At almost 10:30 at night, with few cars in sight, the taxi ride from KLIA 2 to KLCC lasted a little more than 40 minutes. The way into the city was a modern, broad roadway similar to the highways or even freeways of the United States. It was clear that the infrastructure of Kuala Lumpur was of a level far superior to the level of the infrastructure in the Philippines, the only other nation of Southeast Asia I had visited to this point. As in other parts of the world, including the United States and Europe, the landscape immediately surrounding the airport was occupied by industrial complexes and other, related manufacturing facilities. Also, like in those other, Western nations, the industrial area next to Kuala Lumpur's airport gave way to areas on the city's outskirts with large, dilapidated, tenement-like buildings. Finally, as the taxi driver and I entered KLCC, I could see the tall, modern, even ostentatious buildings with which Malaysia's leaders since the 1980s have boasted of their socioeconomic development successes.

I had been hearing for days that the capital city's air pollution, caused by massive fires burning out of control in neighboring Indonesia, was becoming increasingly severe, but I had no idea what to expect. I didn't want to think about altering my plans before I had even set our feet on the ground. I was eager to see for myself what so many people had been telling me. Malaysia was a land divided, I was told. The country's ethnic tensions, I was informed, would spark riots on the streets.

The focus of most conversations about Malaysia and its diverse peoples is on ethnic Malays, who represent approximately 60 percent of the nation’s population of 30 million people. Ethnic Chinese comprise about 20 percent and ethnic Indians about 10 percent of the population. The retired engineer from Mauritius had referred to the reluctance of ethnic Malays to interact with outsiders. A waiter from a Thai restaurant on the fourth floor of the Suria shopping complex, adjacent to the twin, Petronas towers, had recommended that, when looking for someone on the streets of Kuala Lumpur who could speak English, always approach a young, ethnic Chinese person. The waiter, an ethnic Indian, too, incidentally, spoke English well, but perhaps he was implying that most Ethnic Indians in the capital city did not.

The insinuation, time after time, is that ethnic Malays are not friendly to outsiders; and that they cannot speak English. It is a stereotype, based on race, which persists.

Race has a primary role in the administration and development of Malaysia. Most notably, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the political force which seems to define every aspect of life in the Southeast Asian nation, uses race as an instrument to control the state, with all of its resources. UMNO uses affirmative action policies based on race to elevate ethnic Malays, usually at the expense of others. Typically, when UMNO leaders perceive a threat to their hegemony and the elevated position of ethnic Malays, they wield their instrument of power and mobilize their massive resources to eliminate the threat.

A recent event demonstrates the capacity of UMNO leaders and their ethnic Malay constituents to maintain their grip on power using race. On September 16th, UMNO leaders organized on the streets of Malaysia’s capital, Kuala Lumpur, a rally in which tens of thousands of predominantly ethnic Malays, wearing red shirts, demonstrated in support of the government. The demonstrators, shouting racial epithets at ethnic Chinese, although none was present on that afternoon, claimed they were upholding the dignity of ethnic Malays in response to an earlier, opposition rally, held on August 29th and 30th. On those dates, leaders of the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections, or Bersih, had organized on the streets of Malaysia’s capital a rally, called Bersih 4, in which thousands of people from a range of ethnic backgrounds marched in opposition to the government. These demonstrators, wearing yellow shirts, had demanded the resignation of Malaysia’s current leader, Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak, who also is the president of UMNO.

With such an overwhelming display of force, UMNO leaders use race not only as an instrument to control the state; they use race as an instrument to control society. Every time UMNO leaders mobilize their legions of ethnic Malay supporters to counter demands for change by other segments of society, they force a reckoning among all members of society. Experts from academia, non-governmental organizations, and media have to talk about it. Conferences have to be convened to focus on it. Newspapers have to be published with accounts and analyses of it.

But, every day, people in Malaysia, young and old, of one ethnic group or another, are just trying to make a life for themselves. Most of them are not interested in, or even aware of, perceived differences in race until they are told to be by politicians. The politicians will not admit their role in manufacturing communal tensions. Still, they know, the politics of fear-mongering is effective. UMNO has been able to maintain its grip on power for many years. Since 1969, the year in which riots erupted on the streets of Kuala Lumpur, pitting ethnic Malays against ethnic Chinese, UMNO has had a distinct advantage over any political alternative. With a stranglehold on the resources of the state, it leaves little space for other, upstart political forces in which to operate. UMNO, it seems, will always have the sheer numbers with which to repel any attack.

Below you can see a map of Kuala Lumpur City Centre (KLCC), followed by images of various scenes across the city.







Security Guard, Construction Site, Kuala Lumpur City Center (KLCC), Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Man on Street, Down and Out, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Couple on the Hunt for Bargains, Pavilion Shopping Center, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Passing Cars, Busy Intersection, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Lone Motorcycle among Cars, Busy Intersection, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



KL Tower in Background, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Man Watching Shoppers, Pavilion Shopping Center, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Motorcycle Driver Waiting to Make His Move, Busy Intersection, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Walking the Main Thoroughfare, Under the Monorail Track, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Cars in Parking Lot, Office Building Adjacent
to Main Thoroughfare, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Geoff in front of Billboard, Pavilion Shopping Center, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Shoppers Coming and Going, Pavilion Shopping Center, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



On the Road to Pavilion Shopping Center, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Weary Shoppers Taking Refreshment, Outdoor Cafe,
Pavilion Shopping Center, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Geoff, On the Street, Cars Passing, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Geoff, On the Way Out, Pavilion Shopping Center, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Employees Just off Work, Pavilion Shopping Center, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Woman Breakfasting Alone, Restaurant, Shangri-La Hotel, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Arriving by the Busload, Eager to Shop,
Pavilion Shopping Center, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Shoppers Deciding Where to Spend Money Next,
Pavilion Shopping Center, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia



Nighttime View, Petronas Towers, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia




Sunday, September 20, 2015

Geoff House, Departing Manila and Arriving in Kuala Lumpur

Terminal 3 is the newest terminal of the international airport in Manila. You can see photos of the terminal below. It is the home, appropriately, of the newest carriers in Asia, airline companies such as Cebu Pacific, based in the Philippines, and AirAsia, based in Malaysia.

In the waiting area of the gate for the flight with AirAsia from Manila to Kuala Lumpur, the capital of Malaysia known for its rich diversity, I noted that the passengers comprise primarily ethnic Chinese travelers, ethnic Indian travelers, and ethnic Malay travelers. Malaysia's population of approximately 30 million people comprises approximately 20 percent ethnic Chinese and 10 percent ethnic Indians, who account for the majority of the Southeast Asian nation's economic activity. Ethnic Malays, who comprise approximately 60 percent of the country's population and subscribe to the tenets of Islam, traditionally have felt marginalized by the Chinese and the Indians economically.

In the waiting area, while the members of several large groups of ethnic Chinese travelers sprawl across the seats talking loudly among themselves, various, lone ethnic Indian travelers sit in their midst, dressed in clothes typical of professionals such as engineers or financial consultants and waiting silently yet assuredly for the boarding of the aircraft. To one side, the ethnic Malays, including women who wear attire of Muslim women, keep to themselves, neither interested in nor aware of others. As I waited and observed my surroundings, I met a fellow traveller, Rey Joseph, a retired engineer from Mauritius, who compared ethnic Malays to other inhabitants of the nation. They are more reserved, the engineer said. They keep to themselves, he added.




Travelers Waiting to Board, Terminal 3, Airport, Manila, Philippines




Geoff House, Checking Telephone, Terminal 3, Airport, Manila, Philippines




Geoff House, Watching the Rain, Waiting Area, Terminal 3, Airport, Manila, Philippines




Rey Joseph (left), World Traveler, Posing with New Friend




Geoff House, Arriving in Restaurant for Breakfast, Shangri-La Hotel, KLCC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia


Friday, September 18, 2015

Geoff House in Davao City, Life in Royal Valley

Davao City, I decided, had not changed much since the last time I was there. It still gave the impression of a largely rural outpost learning to become a city. I was traveling across town in a taxi. It was Sunday, the 13th of September. It had rained hard earlier in the day, but the storm had passed and the sun had emerged from behind the passing clouds. At almost 3:15 in the afternoon, it suddenly felt hot.

From the back seat of the taxi, I saw a familiar landscape of primitive, dilapidated structures used for dwellings and businesses alike and, then, around a bend in the road ...  a massive, modern shopping center. It was, I knew, our destination, SM Lanang. It didn't look out of place, though. As the taxi driver and I approached SM Lanang, I could see a building complex like other SM malls across the Philippines. A massive, modern building sprouted from slums was the norm in this country.

The taxi came to a stop in front of the main entrance to the mall. I opened the vehicle’s back door, stepped out of the taxi, and was greeted by … Christmas carols. The music, “Silent Night”, emerged from speakers above the glass doors leading to the stores on the ground floor of the complex. The Christmas season, one learns, starts in September in the Philippines, not delayed, apparently, by other, perhaps inconvenient holidays as it is in the U.S., in which Halloween then Thanksgiving must be given their due. But, the Christmas carols were not unpleasant; after all, some shoppers must be helped into the holiday spirit.

I had come to SM Lanang for three reasons. First, I was having technical difficulties which prevented me from gaining access to the Internet with my computer. Second, I still had not gone to the supermarket to buy supplies for my rented house in Robinson's Highlands. Third, I had a meeting with my guide, who wanted to discuss our plan of action for the following day. I looked forward to going to a restaurant where I could use the Internet, eat a meal, and complete some important work at the same time.

On the escalator to the second level of the sprawling SM Lanang complex, a security guard, one of the ubiquitous guards who are stationed at the door of seemingly every business in the Philippines, approached. The young man dressed in his uniform of a white, button-down shirt with black tie, black trousers, and black shoes was accompanied by two older, casually but expensively dressed men. The conversation of the three men became distinct as they passed, with one of the two men saying to the security guard, “Mar Roxas wants to take care of you," and the security guard replying, “I’ve already received 500 pesos from him, but I’m not sure it’s enough."

The vote buying, apparently, had started in earnest in the countdown to elections for President of the Philippines in May of 2016.

My guide had suggested that we meet at Mesa, a contemporary Filipino food restaurant, at 3:30. The restaurant was on the ground floor of SM Lanang. I arrived a few minutes early, ordered a beer, turned on my computer, and succeeded in gaining access to the restaurant's WiFi network. I was relieved. Finally I could get some work done.

At 3:40, my guide arrived. We ate rice, vegetables, and chicken and prepared our itinerary for the following day. In the late morning, we would go to a barangay called Bangkal on the outskirts of Davao City. Here we would visit a man who lived with his family in a small house in a neighborhood called Royal Valley. In the late afternoon, we would return to the central business district of the city. Here we would meet a young, professional couple at a restaurant called Tong Yang Shabu-Shabu Restaurant & Grill on Sales Street.







At 8:00 in the morning, I awoke with a start, looked at my watch, and realized that I still had two hours to get ready. I had slept well for the first time in many days. It was Monday, the 13th of September. At 10:00, I heard a knock on the front door of my rented house in Robinson's Highlands. "The taxi is here." It was the voice of the guide coming through the door. I gathered my gear and left the house.

Inside the taxi, the guide and I sat on the back seat and looked at each other for a few moments. I think that she wanted to read any signs of trepidation on my face. Maybe she had doubts about my ability to accept the grim realities of life in Davao to which I was a witness.

It was true that I had not seen up close such large swings in quality of life, from one extreme to the other, since my trips to Africa and Latin America. The life of deprivation and loss lived by the vast majority of the inhabitants of the region was in stark to the life of abundance and comfort lived by a privileged few.

But any feelings I may have betrayed did not include shock or indignation. The forces at work were clear. The outcomes were not surprising. "As you know, Davao is still primarily rural," said the guide to me. "People who have a little money would rather own a small home for themselves in the countryside than live inside the city." Turning to the taxi driver, she said: "Royal Valley." The man set the car in motion, and we departed.

In the map below, you can see our point of departure, Robinson's Highlands, and our destination, Royal Valley, which is highlighted by the red shading.





The drive from Robinson's Highlands to Royal Valley was not a complicated one, but it was a long one. After passing through the main gate of Robinson's Highlands and turning right on to C.P. Garcia Highway, we proceeded on the highway in a westerly direction. We crossed the river and continued to drive west then southwest on C.P. Garcia Highway. The area was rural. Davao City was behind us. On either side of the highway lush vegetation spread toward the horizon. Here and there banana plantations occupied large plots of land. Fields of other, unidentified crops, carefully cultivated, stretched away from us in long rows.

Still following C.P. Garcia Highway, we now traveled due south, past the Shrine Hills, and, then, following the curve in the road, we moved west again, approaching General Douglas MacArthur Highway, or simply MacArthur Highway.

At the junction of C.P. Garcia Highway and MacArthur Highway, we turned right on the latter highway and, then, almost immediately, right again at the next, smaller roadway, called King's Road. As we turned right on King's Road, we entered Royal Valley. You can trace the route using the map below.







Passing through Royal Valley, I observed a community of two, distinct sections. One part revealed houses which appeared to be fully built, even expertly designed and constructed in some cases. In this part, we passed a large compound owned by Mayor Duterte's son, according to the guide, although it was not clear if he lived there. The other part displayed homes which gave the impression of unfulfilled dreams. The unfinished, rudimentary houses were either in a perpetual state of construction or in an inevitable process of disintegration. The some times dirt, other times pavement, often times jagged, uneven roads forced the taxi driver to move his car forward at a snail's pace. Finally we arrived at our destination, a house which was little more than a make-shift shack.







But it was the home of Fortunato and his family. As the taxi driver brought his vehicle to a halt in front of the small dwelling, a man emerged from the open, front door and came to meet us. It was Fortunato, a man of 55 years of age who worked 60 to 70 hours each week as a forklift operator at San Miguel Brewing Company, the supplier of the Philippines' national beer. His wife was not at home, he said, but a couple of his grandchildren were.

At that moment two small girls burst through the doorway and in our direction, screaming as they ran, but when they saw me they screamed even louder, turned around, and ran back inside the house. Fortunato laughed and said they were the daughters of his third oldest daughter, who also had a third daughter, a baby of 6 months. He spoke English well.

All of them lived under Fortunato's roof. In fact, a total of 10 family members lived in the house. In addition to Fortunato and his wife, their third oldest daughter and her three daughters, the four-room dwelling of 65 square meters sheltered his wife's younger sister, the sister's husband, and the couple's 17-year-old daughter and her own 6-month-old daughter.

Fortunato had come to Royal Valley, he said, at the subdivision's inauguration in 1998 and purchased his lot for 20,000 pesos, the equivalent of $425 today. He has been building his house ever since, whenever he has had extra money to purchase construction materials. For a man who has operated a forklift for 37 years, at last reaching a point at which he earned 7,000 pesos, or $150, per month, he has not had extra money on many occasions.

I entered the front room of the house and sat in a chair at a small table. Fortunato sat in another chair on the opposite side of the table and opened a 1-litro bottle of Red Horse beer. He placed one glass in front of me and filled it with the extra strong lager and another glass in front of him and filled it with the amber liquid. I could see vague shapes through the doorway into another room at the front of the house. It was kept dark, I deduced, in an effort to keep it cool. The guide was somewhere behind me playing with the children outside.

Fortunato had two bedrooms, he said, in addition to the room in which we were sitting and the kitchen at the back of the house. A bathroom was in a separate structure outside, behind the kitchen. The house had indoor plumbing, providing running water to the sink in the kitchen, and electricity for all of the rooms. But the whole neighborhood was subject to brown-outs, or regular periods of no service. The electricity would go out every day, Fortunato said, for 2 to 3 hours. He filled both of our glasses with contents from the large bottle.

His wife used charcoal for cooking, said Fortunato. She did not have a stove or a refrigerator. Every day she would travel by jeepney to Bankerohan market to buy the food which the family would eat for the day. Fortunato filled both of our glasses with contents from the large bottle one more time. It was hot. The beer was cold.

What created the most serious problems for the family, said Fortunato, were floods. Every year, during the height of the rainy season, floods inundated the entire neighborhood. In 2009, the floods were especially serious. That year the water rose to a level of 4 feet in height. The family lost important documents. The floors and walls sustained significant damage. Fortunato poured the remaining contents of the bottle of Red Horse into our glasses.

After the floods of 2009, the government responded with a series of public works projects to implement corrective action, said Fortunato. The infrastructure improvements have paid dividends, he said. Since 2009, floods have occurred only when the rains were so strong that they would cause overflows of water from the river at the back of the house, he added. Still, since 2009, the highest the water has risen has been just above the level of the ankle.

The guide entered the room accompanied by the two small children. She frowned when she noticed the empty, 1-liter bottle of beer in the middle of the table and two, empty glasses on each of its sides. "It's time to go," she said. "We have an appointment in the city." She walked to Fortunato, who stood up from his chair, thanked the man, and extended one of her 1,000-peso notes to him. He smiled broadly, accepted the money, and told us to come back any time.

Outside the house, the taxi was waiting. I realized that it was the arrival of the taxi which had prompted the guide to conclude our meeting with Fortunato. Inside the taxi, the guide asked how I was feeling. I felt pretty good. I admitted it.

The drive back to Davao City was peaceful. I thought about Fortunato and his family. They had a difficult life. But they also, it seemed to me, enjoyed life. I looked at the guide. She was writing in a notebook. I thought about our next stop. I knew that we were going to a restaurant which specialized in an assortment of grilled meats. I looked forward to eating the food. I was hungry.

We stayed on MacArthur Highway, traveling eastward. We crossed the river, approaching the central business district, proceeding in a northeasterly direction as MacArthur Highway merged with Quirino Avenue. We began to travel eastward again as Quirino Avenue flowed into Santa Ana Avenue. I could see the water of the Gulf of Davao in the distance. We turned right on Sales Street and arrived at the restaurant.

In the map below, you can trace our route from Royal Valley, on the outskirts of Davao City, to Tong Yang Shabu-Shabu Restaurant & Grill on Sales Street, in the heart of the city.




At the restaurant, I met Martha, 26, and Roquin, 27, in addition to Martha's twin sister, Marie. They were educated, professional, and sophisticated. Martha worked as a civil engineer for the government. Roquin worked as a manager at a bank. The couple had a baby girl. Every Thursday night, Friday night, and Saturday night, Martha and her twin sister, Marie, oversaw the activities of their staff at a bar they owned jointly in town. On the other nights of the week, the twin sisters relied on a bar manager.

These young people clearly were affluent in comparison to other inhabitants of Davao City. They clearly had opportunities in their lives that other members of their generation, or previous and subsequent generations for that matter, did not have. But they also worked very hard. I wondered how many like them there were in Davao City.

I hoped that the ranks of young, educated, professional, and sophisticated members of society were growing in Davao City, and in the Philippines as a whole. It would be a sign of an improvement in the socioeconomic well-being of a country traditionally known as the sick man of Asia.

It was true that other signs, most notably recent political and economic reforms in the Philippines, were providing new hope for many people. But, it was true, also, that still too many other signs pointed to business as usual among Filipino business and political elites. It was not clear that the traditional elites had started to feel sufficient pressure to allow real and meaningful change to a status quo which meant a high standard of living for a privileged few and deprivation and loss for the great majority.

After eating various grilled meats and vegetables at Tong Yang Shabu-Shabu Restaurant & Grill, we proceeded to a nearby fruit stand to eat the local delicacy, Durian. The fruit may be the most famous export of the region. Probably Davao will always be known for its famous fruit. Probably the city will always be a rural outpost.










Sunday, September 6, 2015

Trip to Southeast Asia, September 2015

I will be in Southeast Asia for a three-week tour of three countries: the Philippines, Malaysia, and Viet Nam. After I return from the tour, I will produce a series of studies of the people whom I interview, the places which I visit, and the issues which seem to be the most important.

On the first stage of my tour, I am focusing on Davao City on the southernmost island of Mindanao in the Philippines and the opening phase of the campaign for the national elections for the presidency, which will conclude in May of 2016. But, in addition, I am focusing on themes related to socioeconomic development and the lack of opportunity for a population of almost 70 million people across the Philippine archipelago. These themes include improving infrastructure and access to basic services such as healthcare, housing, and education. I also want to investigate the abuse of power by the ruling families which dominate the political and economic order in the Philippines.

On the second phase of my tour, I will focus on political developments and the rise of the student movement in Malaysia. Also, I want to investigate the trafficking of human beings for forced labor and for prostitution in the nation of 30 million people. I will visit the capital city of Kuala Lumpur to interview various subjects for my projects.

On the third phase of my tour, I will travel to Ha Noi, Viet Nam, and focus on the efforts by government and business leaders to open not only the economic system but also the political system to a larger percentage of the population of almost 100 million people. I also want to investigate the economy, on a macro level, which has reached a critical stage of stagnation. I am especially interested in the construction of new metro systems in both Ha Noi, the capital city, and Ho Chi Minh City, the commercial center. I want to explore the effects these new metro systems will have on the economy.

I will post regular updates of my tour of the Philippines, Malaysia, and Viet Nam from my hotels on the blog while I am on the road. I will use a Canon 5d Mark II camera with a 24mm f/1.4 lens to take photographs and post them to the blog.

Below you can see four photographs of me. The first one shows me in a garden at UCSD, School of Global Policy and Strategy. I graduated from the school in June of 2015 with a master's degree in international affairs. The other three photos show me dressed in travel clothes for my trip to Southeast Asia in September 2015. I am wearing a hat, two layers of light, upper garments, a pair of light shorts, and a travel pack. I am wearing clothes appropriate for the hot, humid climates of the Philippines, Malaysia, and Viet Nam. On some days, I will be traveling for long periods of time over hot, dusty, rural roads.